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There isn't a Biggest Story for Today, yet.
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By Federico Fuentes, Caracas
October 10, 2009 - greenleft.org.au
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton reiterating Washington's support on October 5 for the Arias Plan to resolve the Honduran crisis, which she hoped would "get Honduras back on the path to a more sustainable democracy". But the plan would see Honduran President Manuel Zelaya return to his post and sit out the rest of his term without any real power.
Clinton said her government was concerned "there has been a pulling away from democracy, from human rights, from the kind of partnership that we would want with our neighbours".
If we remove the Orwellian jargon, what Clinton is saying is clear: at stake today is either the reaffirmation of US hegemony in a region it has long controlled via military dictatorship and puppet neoliberal governments, or the continued advance of a profound democratic movement for change sweeping the continent.
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South America: Hispanics, Latin America and the Struggle Against the Empire
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An Interview with Mumia Abu-Jamal
By Rafael Rodríguez-Cruz, counterpunch.org
Strangers probably do not go unnoticed in the town of Waynesburg, Pennsylvania, where Mumia Abu-Jamal is incarcerated. Waynesburg is a small rural community of Western Pennsylvania with a total population of 4,000. It is certainly not racially diverse: roughly 97% of the inhabitants are White. Thus, you have to work hard to see a Black or Hispanic person walking around in this town. In fact, according to the U.S. Census, there are only 68 Blacks, 4 Native Americans and 27 Hispanics in the whole county of Green, Pennsylvania, which includes within its boundaries the town of Waynesburg. This is certainly very much in contrast with Springfield, Massachusetts, where my journey to visit Mumia Abu-Jamal began on May 23, 2006.
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South America: The time of the underdog: Rage and Race in Latin America
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by Ivan Briscoe, opendemocracy.net
Latin America's dominant political story in 2005 has been the rise of the left. But, argues Ivan Briscoe in the wake of Evo Morales's victory in Bolivia, this political dynamic is driven and framed by an even larger one: the ascent of the underdog.
To judge from the childhoods of Latin America's most powerful men, the streets of the continent, much as the Spaniards dreamed, could still be paved with gold. Brazil's Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, as he himself admitted, did not eat a solid meal until the age of 7. Peru's Alejandro Toledo famously worked as a shoeshine boy. And Bolivia's Evo Morales – whose decisive victory in the 18 December elections opens his route to join the exclusive presidential club – was born with the help of a witch-doctor, tended llamas on the long walk from high-altitude Oruro to semi-tropical Cochabamba, and chewed the orange peel thrown by passengers out of bus windows.
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