Federation: Don't Wait Till 2013, Let's Start Now

The East African (Nairobi)

INTERVIEW
December 20, 2004

Mr Edwin Mtei was the first Governor of the Bank of Tanzania, Minister for Finance, EAC Secretary General and founder chairman of Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), one of the most respected political parties in Tanzania. After leaving active politics, he retired to his farm in Arusha and is currently Chairman of the Tanzania Coffee Marketing Board.

What led to the collapse of the Community in 1977?

With hindsight, I can say that the seeds of the demise of the East African Community were sown even before it was established in 1967.

The complaints by Tanzania and Uganda that the benefits of the East African Common Market were being unfairly enjoyed by Kenya had been there for many years. These complaints were part of the reasons for the review of 1948, which resulted in the setting-up of the East African High Commission. As the EAHC did not solve the problem, the East African Common Services Organisation replaced it when Tanganyika attained independence in 1961.

The pursuit of divergent and almost conflicting economic and social policies by the partner states was greatly emphasised before or immediately after the signing of the Treaty for East African Co-operation. The adoption by the partner states of these policy postures was bound to make it difficult to reach quick and amicable decisions

It should also be recalled that this was the period of the Cold War. Disenchantment on the part of the West with events in Tanzania and Uganda made them view the EAC as a stumbling block to their co-operation with Kenya and their operations in that country.

By the time I was appointed secretary general and chief executive officer of the EAC in April 1974, hostile exchanges between the partner states made the operations of the EAC headquarters extremely difficult.

The people of East Africa have given a very warm welcome to the re-establishment of the Community. Do you believe the problems that led to the collapse of the first EAC are no longer there?

One could say that the ideological differences that made the partner states pursue conflicting and divergent socio-economic policies are no longer apparent. This does not imply that, in future, partner states must have identical policies on all issues. However, on major aspects in which the partners must co-operate or work together, approaches should be such that they are able to compromise or understand one another in goodwill.

Another aspect of the provisions of the 1967 Treaty which made it difficult to move forward was the requirement of unanimity – the fact that one partner could exercise veto power. In EAC II, there is still the veto at the formal enactment of legislation, but I hope that the exercise of this prerogative by a president will be unnecessary if compromises can be reached at lower levels.

In the old set-up, too many decisions had to be taken by the East African Authority. Although there was the Committee of East African Ministers at the headquarters of the Community, its members did not have much influence in the partner states because they were not members of the national Cabinets. I had the impression that some of them even received instructions from middle-grade officials in the presidents’ offices and did not have direct access to their presidents or even to other national ministers.

This has been corrected in EAC II, but the fact that members of the Council of Ministers have other responsibilities in their national governments implies that they cannot devote much time or effort to Community-related matters.

Nevertheless, it is commendable that the Council of Ministers has assumed part of the role that was played by the EAC I Authority.

Do you think the timeframe for turning the Community into a fully-fledged political federation by 2013 is realistic?

I have stressed the necessity for integration in order for East Africans to make real progress in development. I therefore fully support the bold decision by the heads of state to fast-track to a political federation.

I believe that informed East Africans wanted a federation two or three decades ago. They missed that opportunity because of the self-centred interests of their leaders at that time and also because international power brokers wanted us to remain divided so that they would retain their spheres of influence.

Things have changed now. The whole world is integrating and huge trading blocs are a reality. We must move fast as East Africa – or even as Africa – if we are not to be shut off the from progress.

Federation: Don't Wait Till 2013, Let's Start Now

There is no such thing as a realistic date for a federation. If the current political leadership sees value in federation now and the people assent, say in a referendum, we should move on and immediately set up the necessary mechanisms for implementation. Waiting until 2013 may not produce the ideal structure. State structures are improved as experience in their working is gained, as long as there is political goodwill. In other words, strike while the iron it is hot.